But is it not dangerous to let the representatives of such classes
join the government of the people's republic? No. The workers and peasants are
the basic masses of the republic. In giving the urban petty bourgeoisie, the
intellectuals and other sections of the population who support the
anti-imperialist and anti-feudal programme the right to have a voice in the
government of the people's republic and to work in it, the right to vote and
stand for election, we must not allow the interests of the workers and
peasants, the basic masses, to be violated. The essential part of our programme
must be the protection of their interests. With their representatives
comprising the majority in this government and with the Communist Party
exercising leadership and working within it, there is a guarantee that the
participation of other classes will present no danger. It is perfectly obvious
that the Chinese revolution at the present stage is still a
bourgeois-democratic and not a proletarian socialist revolution in nature. Only
the counter-revolutionary Trotskyites [31] talk such nonsense as that China has already completed her
bourgeois-democratic revolution and that any further revolution can only be
socialist. The revolution of 1924-27 was a bourgeois-democratic revolution,
which was not carried to completion but failed. The agrarian revolution which
we have led since 1927 is also a bourgeois-democratic revolution, because it is
directed not against capitalism, but against imperialism and feudalism. This
will remain true of our revolution for quite a long time to come.
Basically, the workers, the peasants and the urban petty
bourgeoisie arc still the motive forces of the revolution, but now there may be
the national bourgeoisie as well.
The change in the revolution will come later. In the future the
democratic revolution will inevitably be transformed into a socialist
revolution. As to when the transition will take place, that will depend on the
presence of the necessary conditions, and it may take quite a long time. We
should not hold forth about transition until all the necessary political and
economic conditions are present and until it is advantageous and not
detrimental to the overwhelming majority of the people throughout China. It is
wrong to have any doubts on this matter and expect the transition to take place
soon, as some of our comrades did when they maintained that the transition in
the revolution would begin the moment the democratic revolution began to
triumph in key provinces. They did so because they failed to understand what
kind of country China is politically and economically and to realize that,
compared with Russia, China will find it more difficult, and require much more
time and effort, to complete her democratic revolution politically and
economically.
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