If our government has hitherto been based on the alliance of the workers,
the peasants and the urban petty bourgeoisie, from now on it must be so transformed
as to include also the members of all other classes who are willing
to take part in the national revolution.
At the present time, the basic task of such a government should be
to oppose the annexation of China by Japanese imperialism. It will have a
broader representation so that it may include those who are interested only in
the national revolution and not in the agrarian revolution, and even, if they
so desire, those who may oppose Japanese imperialism and its running dogs,
though they are not opposed to the European and U.S. imperialists because of
their close ties with the latter. Therefore, as a matter of principle, the
programme of such a government should be in keeping with the basic task of
fighting Japanese imperialism and its lackeys, and we should modify our past
policies accordingly.
The special feature on the revolutionary side at present is the
existence of a well-steeled Communist Party and Red Army. This is of crucial
importance. Great difficulties would arise if they did not exist. Why? Because
the traitors and collaborators in China are numerous and powerful and are sure
to devise every possible means to wreck the united front; they will sow
dissension by means of intimidation and bribery and by maneuvering among
various groupings, and will employ their armies to oppress and crush, one by
one, all those weaker than themselves who want to part company with them and
join us in fighting Japan. All this would hardly be avoidable if the
anti-Japanese government and army were to lack this vital factor, i.e., the
Communist Party and the Red Army. The revolution failed in 1927 chiefly
because, with the opportunist line then prevailing in the Communist Party, no
effort was made to expand our own ranks (the workers' and peasants' movement
and the armed forces led by the Communist Party), and exclusive reliance was
placed on a temporary ally, the Kuomintang. The result was that when
imperialism ordered its lackeys, the landlord and comprador classes, to spread
their numerous tentacles and draw over first Chiang Kai-shek and then Wang
Ching-wei, the revolution suffered defeat. In those days the revolutionary
united front had no mainstay, no strong revolutionary armed forces, and so when
the defections came thick and fast, the Communist Party was forced to fight
single-handed and was powerless to foil the tactics of crushing their opponents
one by one which were adopted by the imperialists and the Chinese
counter-revolutionaries. True, we had the troops under Ho Lung and Yeh Ting,
but they were not yet politically consolidated, and the Party was not very
skilled in leading them, so that they were finally defeated. The lesson we paid
for with our blood was that the lack of a hard core of revolutionary forces
brings the revolution to defeat. Today things are quite different. Now we have
a strong Communist Party and a strong Red Army, and we also have the base areas
of the Red Army. Not only are the Communist Party and the Red Army serving as
the initiator of a national united front against Japan today, but in the future
too they will inevitably become the powerful mainstay of China's anti-Japanese
government and army, capable of preventing the Japanese imperialists and Chiang
Kai-shek from carrying through their policy of disrupting this united front. However,
we must be very vigilant because the Japanese imperialists and Chiang Kai-shek
will undoubtedly resort to every possible form of intimidation and bribery and
of manoeuvering among the various groupings.
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