WHY IS IT THAT RED POLITICAL POWER CAN
EXIST IN CHINA?
October 5, 1928
I. The Internal Political Situation
II. Reasons for the Emergence and Survival of Red Political Power in China
III. The Independent Regime in the Hunan-Kiangsi Border Area and the August Defeat
IV. The Role of the Independent Regime of the Hunan-Kiangsi Border Area in Hunan, Hupeh and Kiangsi
V. Economic Problems
VI. The Problem of Military Bases
II. Reasons for the Emergence and Survival of Red Political Power in China
III. The Independent Regime in the Hunan-Kiangsi Border Area and the August Defeat
IV. The Role of the Independent Regime of the Hunan-Kiangsi Border Area in Hunan, Hupeh and Kiangsi
V. Economic Problems
VI. The Problem of Military Bases
[This article was part of the resolution, originally
entitled "The Political Problems and the Tasks of the Border Area Party
Organization", which was drafted by Comrade Mao Tse-tung for the Second
Party Congress of the Hunan-Kiangsi Border Area.]
The present regime of the new warlords of the Kuomintang remains a
regime of the comprador class in the cities and the landlord class in the
countryside; it is a regime which has capitulated to imperialism in its foreign
relations and which at home has replaced the old warlords with new ones,
subjecting the working class and the peasantry to an even more ruthless
economic exploitation and political oppression. The bourgeois-democratic
revolution which started in Kwangtung Province had gone only halfway when the
comprador and landlord classes usurped the leadership and immediately shifted
it on to the road of counter-revolution; throughout the country the workers,
the peasants, the other sections of the common people, and even the
bourgeoisie, [1] have remained under counter-revolutionary rule and obtained not
the slightest particle of political or economic emancipation.
Before their capture of Peking and Tientsin, the four cliques of
the new Kuomintang warlords, Chiang Kai-shek, the Kwangsi warlords, Feng
Yu-hsiang and Yen Hsi-shan, [2] formed a temporary alliance against Chang Tso-lin. [3] As soon as these cities were captured, this alliance broke up,
giving way to bitter struggle among the four cliques, and now a war is brewing
between the Chiang and the Kwangsi cliques. The contradictions and struggles
among the cliques of warlords in China reflect the contradictions and struggles
among the imperialist powers. Hence, as long as China is divided among the
imperialist powers, the various cliques of warlords cannot under any
circumstances come to terms, and whatever compromises they may reach will only
be temporary. A temporary compromise today engenders a bigger war tomorrow.
China is in urgent need of a bourgeois-democratic revolution, and
this revolution can be completed only under the leadership of the proletariat.
Because the proletariat failed to exercise firm leadership in the revolution of
1926-27 which started from Kwangtung and spread towards the Yangtze River,
leadership was seized by the comprador and landlord classes and the revolution
was replaced by counterrevolution. The bourgeois-democratic revolution thus met
with a temporary defeat. This defeat was a heavy blow to the Chinese
proletariat and peasantry and also a blow to the Chinese bourgeoisie (but not
to the comprador and landlord classes). Yet in the last few months, both in the
north and in the south, there has been a growth of organized strikes by the
workers in the cities and of insurrections by the peasants in the countryside
under the leadership of the Communist Party. Hunger and cold are creating great
unrest among the soldiers of the warlord armies. Meanwhile, urged on by the
clique headed by Wang Ching-wei and Chen Kung-po, the bourgeoisie is promoting
a reform movement of considerable proportions [4] in the coastal areas and along the Yangtze River. This is a new
development.
According to the directives of the Communist International and the
Central Committee of our Party, the content of China's democratic revolution
consists in overthrowing the rule of imperialism and its warlord tools in China
so as to complete the national revolution, and in carrying out the agrarian
revolution so as to eliminate the feudal exploitation of the peasants by the
landlord class. Such a revolutionary movement has been growing day by day since
the Tsinan Massacre [5] in May 1928
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