OUR RESPONSIBILITY TO LEAD - 2
18. When internal peace is achieved and co-operation is
established between the two parties, changes will have to be made in the forms
of struggle, organization and work which we adopted when the line was one of
maintaining a regime antagonistic to that of the Kuomintang. They will mainly
be changes from military to peaceful forms and from illegal to legal forms. It
will not be easy to make these changes and we shall have to learn afresh. The
retraining of our cadres thus becomes a key link.
19. Many comrades have been asking questions about the nature of
the democratic republic and its future. Our answer is: as to its class nature,
the republic will be an alliance of all revolutionary classes, and as to its
future, it may move towards socialism. Our democratic republic is to be
established in the course of national armed resistance under the leadership of
the proletariat and in the new international environment (with socialism
victorious in the Soviet Union and the approach of a new period of world
revolution). Therefore, though it will still be a bourgeois-democratic state
socially and economically, yet it will be different from the general run of
bourgeois republics because, in concrete political terms, it will have to be a
state based on the alliance of the working class, the peasantry, the petty
bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie. Thus, as to the future of the democratic
republic, though it may move in a capitalist direction, the possibility also
exists that it will turn towards socialism, and the party of the Chinese
proletariat should struggle hard for the latter prospect.
20. The fight against closed-doorism and adventurism and also
against tailism is essential to the accomplishment of the Party's tasks. In the
mass movements our Party has a traditional tendency towards rank
closed-doorism, haughty sectarianism, and adventurism; this ugly tendency
hinders the Party in establishing an anti-Japanese national united front and
winning over the majority of the masses. It is absolutely necessary to wipe out
this tendency in each and every field of work. What we ask is: rely on the
majority and take the whole situation into account. There must be no revival of
the Chen Tu-hsiu type of tailism, which is a reflection of bourgeois reformism
in the ranks of the proletariat. To debase the class stand of the Party, to
obscure its distinctive features, to sacrifice the interests of the workers and
peasants to suit the needs of bourgeois reformism, is sure to lead the
revolution to defeat. What we ask is: carry out firm revolutionary policies and
strive for complete victory in the bourgeois-democratic revolution. To overcome
the undesirable tendencies we have described, it is absolutely necessary to
raise the Marxist-Leninist theoretical level of the whole Party, for
Marxism-Leninism alone is the compass which can guide the Chinese revolution to
victory.
18. When internal peace is achieved and co-operation is
established between the two parties, changes will have to be made in the forms
of struggle, organization and work which we adopted when the line was one of
maintaining a regime antagonistic to that of the Kuomintang. They will mainly
be changes from military to peaceful forms and from illegal to legal forms. It
will not be easy to make these changes and we shall have to learn afresh. The
retraining of our cadres thus becomes a key link.
19. Many comrades have been asking questions about the nature of
the democratic republic and its future. Our answer is: as to its class nature,
the republic will be an alliance of all revolutionary classes, and as to its
future, it may move towards socialism. Our democratic republic is to be
established in the course of national armed resistance under the leadership of
the proletariat and in the new international environment (with socialism
victorious in the Soviet Union and the approach of a new period of world
revolution). Therefore, though it will still be a bourgeois-democratic state
socially and economically, yet it will be different from the general run of
bourgeois republics because, in concrete political terms, it will have to be a
state based on the alliance of the working class, the peasantry, the petty
bourgeoisie and the bourgeoisie. Thus, as to the future of the democratic
republic, though it may move in a capitalist direction, the possibility also
exists that it will turn towards socialism, and the party of the Chinese
proletariat should struggle hard for the latter prospect.
20. The fight against closed-doorism and adventurism and also
against tailism is essential to the accomplishment of the Party's tasks. In the
mass movements our Party has a traditional tendency towards rank
closed-doorism, haughty sectarianism, and adventurism; this ugly tendency
hinders the Party in establishing an anti-Japanese national united front and
winning over the majority of the masses. It is absolutely necessary to wipe out
this tendency in each and every field of work. What we ask is: rely on the
majority and take the whole situation into account. There must be no revival of
the Chen Tu-hsiu type of tailism, which is a reflection of bourgeois reformism
in the ranks of the proletariat. To debase the class stand of the Party, to
obscure its distinctive features, to sacrifice the interests of the workers and
peasants to suit the needs of bourgeois reformism, is sure to lead the
revolution to defeat. What we ask is: carry out firm revolutionary policies and
strive for complete victory in the bourgeois-democratic revolution. To overcome
the undesirable tendencies we have described, it is absolutely necessary to
raise the Marxist-Leninist theoretical level of the whole Party, for
Marxism-Leninism alone is the compass which can guide the Chinese revolution to
victory.
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